DATE: 12 FEB 1991
ATTN: POW-MIA
SUBJECT: Request for Relief
TO: DR
1. PURPOSE: I, herby, request to resign my position as Chief of the
Special Office for Prisoners of War and Missing in Action (POW-MIA).
2. BACKGROUND:
a. Motivation. My initial acceptance of this posting was base upon two
motives: first, I had heard that the job was highly contentious and
extremely frustrating, that no one would volunteer for it because of its
complex political nature. This, of course, made it appear challenging.
Secondly, since the end of the Vietnam War, I had heard the persistent
rumors of American Servicemen having been abandoned in Indochina, and that
the Government was conducting a "cover-up" so as not to be embarrassed. I
was curious about this and thought that serving as the Chief of POW-MIA
would be an opportunity to satisfy my own interest and help clear the
Government's name.
b. The Office's Reputation. It was interesting that my previous exposure
to the POW-MIA Office, while assigned to DIA, both as a Duty Director for
Intelligence (DDI) and as the Chief of the Asia Division for Current
Intelligence (JSI-3), was negative. DIA personnel, who worked for me, when
dealing with or mentioning the Office, always spoke about it in
deprecating tomes, alluding to the fact that any report which found its
way there would quickly disappear into a "black hole."
c. General Attitudes. Additionally, surveys of active duty military
personnel indicated that a high percentage (83%) believed that there were
still live American prisoners in Vietnam. This idea was further
promulgated in a number of legitimate veteran's periodicals and
professional journals, as well as the media in general, which held that
where there was so much smoke, there must be fire.
d. Cover-up. The dark side of the issue was particularly unsettling
because of the persistent rumors and innuendoes of a Government
conspiracy, alleging that U.S. military personnel had been left behind to
the victorious communist governments in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, and
that for "political reasons" or running the risk of a second Vietnam War,
their existence was officially denied. Worse yet was the implication that
DIA's Special Office for POWs and MIAs was an integral part of this effort
to cover the entire affair up so as not to embarrass the Government nor
the Defense Establishment.
e. The Crusade. As a Vietnam veteran with a certain amount of experience
in Indochina, I was interested in the entire POW-MIA question, and
willingly volunteered for the job, viewing it as sort of a holy crusade.
f. The Harsh Reality. Heading up the Office has not been pleasant. My plan
was to be totally honest and forthcoming on the entire issue and
aggressively pursue innovative actions and concepts to clear up the live
sighting business, thereby refurbishing the image and honor of DIA. I
became painfully aware, however, that I was not really in charge of my own
office, but was merely a figurehead or whipping boy for a larger and
totally Machiavellian group of players outside of DIA. What I witnessed
during my tenure as the cardboard cut-out "Chief" of POW-MIA could be
euphemistically labeled as disillusioning.
3. CURRENT IMPRESSIONS, BASED ON MY EXPERIENCE:
a. Highest National Priority. That National leaders continue to address
the prisoner of war and missing in action issue as the "highest national
priority" is a travesty. From my vantage point, I observed that the
principal government players were interested primarily in conducting a
"damage limitation exercise", and appeared to knowingly and deliberately
generate an endless succession of manufactured crises and "busy work".
Progress consisted in frenetic activity, with little substance and no real
results.
b. The Mindset to Debunk. The mindset to "debunk" is alive and well. It is
held at all levels, and continues to pervade the POW-MIA Office, which is
not necessarily the fault of DIA. Practically all analysis is directed to
finding fault with the source. Rarely has there been any effective, active
follow through on any of the sightings, nor is there a responsive "action
arm" to routinely and aggressively pursue leads. The latter was a moot
point, anyway, since the Office was continuously buried in an avalanche of
"ad hoc" taskings from every quarter, all of which required an immediate
response. It was impossible to plan ahead or prioritize courses of action.
Any real effort to pursue live sighting reports or exercise initiatives
was diminished by the plethora of "busy work" projects directed by higher
authority outside of DIA. A number of these grandiose endeavors bordered
on the ridiculous, and -- quite significantly -- there was never an audit
trail. None of these taskings was ever requested formally. There was, and
still is, a refusal by any of the players to follow normal intelligence
channels in dealing with the POW-MIA Office.
c. Duty, Honor and Integrity. It appears that the entire issue is being
manipulated by unscrupulous people in the Government, or associated with
the Government. Some are using the issue for personal or political
advantage and others use it as a forum to perform and feel important, or
worse. The sad fact, however, is that this issue is being controlled and a
cover-up may be in progress. The entire charade does not appear to be an
honest effort, and may never have been.
d. POW-MIA Officers Abandoned. When I assumed the Office for the first
time, I was somewhat amazed and greatly disturbed by the fact that I was
the only military officer in an organization of more than 40 people. Since
combatants of all Services were lost in Vietnam, I would have thought
there would at least be a token Service representation for a matter of the
"highest national priority." Since the normal mix of officers from all
Services is not found in my organization it would appear that the issue,
at least at the working level, has, in fact, been abandoned. Also, the
horror stories of the succession of military officers at the C-5 and C-6
level who have in some manner "rocked the boat" and quickly come to grief
at the hands of the Government policy makers who direct the issue, lead
one to the conclusion that we are all quite expendable, so by
extrapolation one simply concludes that these same bureaucrats would
"sacrifice" anyone who was troublesome or contentious as including
prisoners of war and missing in action. Not a comforting thought. Any
military officer expected to survive in this environment would have to be
myopic, an accomplished sycophant, or totally insouciant.
e. The DIA Involvement. DIA's role in the affair is truly unfortunate. The
overall Agency has generally practiced a "damage limitation drill" on the
issue, as well. The POW-MIA Office has been cloistered for all practical
purposes and left to its own fortunes. The POW Office is the lowest level
in the Government "efforts" to resolve the issue, and oddly for an
intelligence organization, has become the "lightening rod" for the entire
establishment to the matter. The policy people manipulating the affair
have maintained their distance and remained hidden in the shadows, while
using the Office as a "toxic waste dump" to bury the whole "mess" out of
sight and mind to a facility with the limited access to public scrutiny.
Whatever happens in this issue, DIA takes the blame, while the real
players remain invisible. The fact that the POW-MIA Office is always the
center of an investigation is no surprise. Many people suspect that
something is rotten about the whole thing, but they cannot find an audit
trail to ascribe blame, so they attack the DIA/POW-MIA "dump", simply
because it has been placed in the line of fire as a cheap, expendable
decoy.
f. "Suppressio Veri, Suggestio Falsi." Many of the puppet masters play a
confusing, murky roles. For instance, the Director of the National League
of Families occupies an interesting and questionable position in the whole
process.
Although assiduously "churning" the account to give a tawdry illusion of
progress, she is adamantly opposed to any initiative to actually get to
the heart of the problem, and, more importantly, interferes in or actively
sabotages POW-MIA analyses or investigations. She insists on rewriting or
editing all significant documents produced by the Office, then touted as
the DIA position. She apparently has access to top secret, codeword
message traffic, for which she is supposedly not cleared, and she received
it well ahead of the DIA intelligence analysts. Her influence in "jerking
around" everyone and everything involved in the issue goes far beyond the
"war and MIA protestor gone straight" scenario. She was brought from the
"outside", into the center of the imbroglio, and then, cloaked in a mantle
of sanctimony, routinely impedes real progress and insidiously "muddles
up" the issue. One wonders who she really is and where she came from.
4. CONCLUSIONS:
a. The Stalled Crusade. Unfortunately, what began on such a high note
never succeeded in embarking. In some respects, however, I have managed to
satisfy some of my curiosity.
B. Everyone is Expendable. I have seen firsthand how ready and willing the
policy people are to sacrifice or "abandon" anyone who might be perceived
as a political liability. It is quick and facile, and can be easily
covered.
c. High-Level Knavery. I feel strongly that this issue is being
manipulated and controlled at a higher lever, not with the goal of
resolving it, but more to obfuscate the question of live prisoners, and
give the illusion of progress through hyperactivity.
d. "Smoke and Mirrors." From what I have witnessed, it appears that any
soldier left in Vietnam, even inadvertently, was, in fact, abandoned years
ago, and that the farce that is being played is no more than political
legerdemain done with "smoke and mirrors", to stall the issue until it
dies a natural death.
e. National League of Families. I am convinced that the Director of this
organization is much more than meets the eye. As the principal actor in
the grand show, she is in the perfect position to clamor for "progress",
while really intentionally impeding the effort. And there are numerous
examples of this. Otherwise it is inconceivable that so many bureaucrats
in the "system would instantaneously do her bidding and humor her every
whim.
f. DIA's Dilemma. Although greatly saddened by the role ascribed to the
Defense Intelligence Agency, I feel, at least, that I am dealing with
honest men and women who are generally powerless to make the system work.
My appeal and attempt to amend this role perhaps never had a chance. We
all were subject to control. I particularly salute the personnel in the
POW-MIA Office for their long suffering, which I regrettably was unable to
change. I feel that the Agency and the Office are being used as the "fall
guys" or "patsies" to cover the tracks of others.
5. RECOMMENDATIONS:
a. One Final Vietnam Casualty. So ends the war and my last grand crusade,
like it actually did end, I guess. However, as they say in the Legion, "je
ne regrette rien..." For all of the above, I respectfully request to be
relieved of my duties as Chief of the Special Office for Prisoners of War
and Missing in Action.
b. A Farewell to Arms. So as to avoid the annoyance of being shipped off
to some remote corner, out of sight and out of the way, in my own "bamboo
cage" of silence somewhere, I further request that the Defense
Intelligence Agency, which I have attempted to serve loyally and with
honor, assist me in being retired immediately from active military
service.
MILLARD A. PECK
Colonel, Infantry
USA